Monday 25 November 2019

Significance of Whip in Trust Vote - What will happen if members defy the Whip?

Significance of Whip in Trust Vote

What will happen if members defy the Whip?

By:
Vijay SARDANA

Advocate, Delhi High Court
Arbitrator & Fellow, Indian Council of Arbitration
Regulatory Compliance & Techno-legal Expert
IFC Trained Corporate Governance Trainer for Board Leadership Training
Email: technolegalsardana@gmail.com

After Supreme Courts Decision the next round of politics will be in the state assembly when there will be voting on Confidence Vote. The role of the whip will become crucial.
The term ‘whip’ is derived from the traditional British parliamentary the practice of ordering the legislators (ruling or opposition) to follow the party line.
India adopted the model of Parliamentary system from Britain. It is important to understand what the precedences British Parliament has about whip.

What is a free vote?

This means the vote is not whipped, and MPs may vote as they wish. Free votes are one of the few occasions when members of the Government – usually bound to support the government position by the convention of collective cabinet responsibility – can express their independent opinion in the Commons. In 1971, Prime Minister Edward Heath gave Conservative MPs a free vote on whether to join the European Economic Community.
Traditionally, free votes have been held on matters of conscience, such as hunting, assisted dying and military intervention, when it is accepted that MPs of the same party may have different views. In some circumstances, free votes can be used as a way of managing internal party politics – particularly when there are strongly held and competing views amongst the party leadership. In such cases, allowing a free vote can prevent an embarrassing government defeat or party rebellion.
What is a whip?
The term is taken from the "whipper-in" during a hunt, who tries to prevent hounds from wandering away from a hunting pack.
Additionally, the term "whip" may mean the voting instructions issued to legislators, or the status of a certain legislator in their party's parliamentary grouping.
In political parlance, a whip is a written order which demands party members to be present in Parliament or a state assembly if the important vote is scheduled, and also asks them to vote in a particular way.
Whips can be issued by any party that finds representation in the House, irrespective of its strength in that chamber.
A whip, also the person is an official of a political party whose the task is to ensure the party discipline in a legislature
Whips are MPs or MLAs appointed by each party in Parliament or Assembly to help organise their party's contribution to the parliamentary business.
This usually means ensuring that members of the party vote according to the party platform, rather than according to their own individual ideology or the will of their constituents. Whips are the party's "enforcers". They ensure that their fellow legislators attend voting sessions and vote according to official party policy.
The Chief Whip is responsible for administering the whipping system that ensures that members of the party attend and vote in Parliament as the party leadership desires.
Kinds of whips
A whip can be classified into three types, based on the number of times it has been underlined.
A one-line whip, which is underlined once, is issued by the party to inform its members of an important vote in the pipeline, so that a quorum can be established. A quorum is the minimum number of legislators that need to be present do that a vote can be held.
A two-line whip, which is underlined twice, demands that party members be present in the House at the time of voting. Abstention from voting, in this case, invites more scrutiny from the party’s high command as compared to a one-line whip.
A three-line whip, which is underlined thrice, is the gravest of the whips. This places the party members under an obligation to toe the party line and is usually employed when critical bills are tabled in the House or during a motion of no-confidence.

Type of whip

What it means

When it is used

One-line whip
Considered advisory, providing a guide to party policy on an issue. MPs are ‘requested’ to attend the vote, but are not usually expected to do so, and do not need to inform the party whips if they will be absent. However, if they do vote, they are expected to vote as instructed.
Used for uncontroversial or inconsequential parliamentary votes  
Two-line whip
A more serious instruction for how to vote. MPs are told that their attendance is ‘necessary’ and are expected to remain on, or close to, the parliamentary estate, and vote as instructed. Permission from a party whip is usually needed to miss a vote.
Used for more important votes on key policy issues 
Three-line whip
An explicit instruction to MPs that their attendance is ‘essential’, and that they must vote as instructed. MPs are expected to be in the voting lobbies within six minutes of a vote being called. Express permission is usually required from a party whip to miss a vote, and is rarely granted.
Used for the most serious votes, including votes of confidence and second readings of major bills
Who issues a whip?
The person who issues a whip is also called a ‘whip’. Each party appoints a Chief Whip from its elected members, who issues directives to maintain discipline in the party and enact the party’s line while being mindful of individual opinions and grievances.
Even though this is not a constitutional post, a Chief Whip is responsible for effective communication between the party high command and its members.
A whip’s role assumes more importance when a party has a thin majority in the House. In the Indian Parliament, party whips are generally represented in the Business Advisory Committee (BAC), which is led by the Speaker and meets at the beginning of every session.

How Whip decides Party stand on the debate in Parliament and Assembly?

In Britain, each Thursday, ahead of the next parliamentary week, the party leadership distributes a schedule of expected parliamentary votes to their MPs containing instructions on how to vote. This is referred to as the ‘whip’. MPs are usually expected to show loyalty to their party when voting in Parliament.
The whip is also issued in the House of Lords, although party discipline is less strictly enforced among peers.
Whips play a key role in the organisation of parliamentary business, acting as a line of communication between the governing and opposition parties (often referred to as ‘the usual channels’), distributing information to parliamentarians and allocating their party’s membership of parliamentary committees.
Pairing Arrangement:
The whips also organise ‘pairing’ arrangements, which allow MPs to be absent from a vote by matching them with an opposition MP who also agrees to be absent, thereby effectively ‘cancelling out’ their vote.
Until 2010, whips also decided which MPs should chair select committees, but chairs are now elected by the whole House.

What happens if an MP defies the whip?

There are no fixed consequences for disobeying the whip, with the penalties varying depending on the type of whip and the individual and political circumstances.
It is not always clear if an MP has disobeyed the whip, as voting instructions aren’t publicly available. But sanctions for breaching the whip can include reduced prospects of promotion within the party or appointment to an MP’s preferred committee, a less desirable parliamentary office, or selection for unpopular parliamentary duties such as membership of delegated legislation committees. Repeatedly disobeying the whip may also affect an MP’s chance of re-selection by their constituency party, or re-election at a general election.

What does it mean to have the whip removed?

The most serious breaches can result in the ‘whip being removed’ – meaning that the MP ceases to represent their party and sits as an independent MP. Nine Conservative MPs had the whip removed in 1993, after failing to support John Major’s government in a vote of confidence subject to a three-line whip.  21 Conservative MPs had the whip removed after voting against the government to allow MPs to take control of the Commons timetable to pass the Benn Act.
Members of a party’s frontbench are usually expected to resign if they wish to vote against their party’s position and are highly likely to lose their role if they break a three-line whip.

Who decides how to discipline a dissenting MP?

This is ultimately a matter of politics. MPs may escape sanction if they have widespread support within the party, or if elements of the leadership have sympathy for their actions. Minority governments are faced with an acute challenge in disciplining MPs – simultaneously relying heavily on party loyalty while lacking the numbers to sustain sanctions such as removal of the whip. MPs who have lost the whip may have it restored at a later date.
Recently in Britain during Brexit debate, many challenging situations is emerging. Two Conservative MPs, Charlie Elphicke and Andrew Griffiths, who had had the whip removed over misconduct allegations, had the whip restored in January 2019 to allow them to vote in a vote of confidence in Theresa May as party leader. It is possible that Conservative ‘rebels’ who had the whip removed over the Benn Act may have the whip restored if they vote in favour of Boris Johnson’s revised Brexit deal.

How common is it for MPs to disobey a three-line whip?

It is relatively rare, but Brexit has put significant pressure on the party discipline. In 2017, 47 Labour MPs disobeyed a three-line whip requiring the party’s MPs to support the triggering of Article 50, while 118 Conservative MPs voted against the Government’s Brexit deal in January 2019. Three-line whips have also been defied outside of the Brexit context, with 91 Conservative MPs voting against the government on House of Lords reform in 2012. 21 Conservative MPs voted against a three-line whip to vote in favour of MPs taking control of the Commons timetable to pass the Benn Act in September 2019.
In some cases, MPs have been accused of being conveniently absent from votes that have been whipped against their presumed voting intentions – preventing them from having to choose whether to ignore the whip.
What happens in Indian Parliamentary System, if a legislator does not follow the whip in?
Defying a three-line whip can not only lead to the expulsion of the member from the party, but also risk his/her membership in the House.
Under the Tenth Schedule of the Constitution of India, the Speaker of the House can disqualify a member who goes against the party line under the anti-defection law. The only exception is when more than one-third of members decide to vote against the directive. It means, even if the whip is issued and if the whole party goes against the whip, no action can be taken against the members.

Do share your views in the comments section.

Tuesday 14 May 2019

Constitution of India : Doctrine of Pith and Substance

Constitution of India : Doctrine of Pith and Substance  
Introduction
This post is concerned with a ‘Doctrine of Pith and Substance’. The basic purpose of this doctrine is to determine under which head of power or field i.e. under which list (given in the Seventh Schedule) a given piece of legislation falls.
Pith means ‘true nature’ or ‘essence of something’ and Substance means ‘the most important or essential part of something’.
Doctrine of Pith and Substance says that where the question arises of determining whether a particular law relates to a particular subject (mentioned in one List or another), the court looks to the substance of the matter. Thus, if the substance falls within Union List, then the incidental encroachment by the law on the State List does not make it invalid.
This is essentially a Canadian Doctrine now firmly entrenched in the Indian Constitutional Jurisprudence. 
This doctrine found its place first in the case of Cushing v. Dupey. In this case the Privy Council evolved the doctrine, that for deciding whether an impugned legislation was intra vires, regard must be had to its pith and substance.
Need for the Doctrine of Pith and Substance in the Indian Context
The doctrine has been applied in India also to provide a degree of flexibility in the otherwise rigid scheme of distribution of powers. The reason for adoption of this doctrine is that if every legislation were to be declared invalid on the grounds that it encroached powers, the powers of the legislature would be drastically circumscribed.
“It is settled law of interpretation that entries in the Seventh Schedule are not powers but fields of legislation. The legislature derives its power from Article 246 and other related articles of the Constitution. Therefore, the power to make the Amendment Act is derived not from the respective entries but under Article 246 of the Constitution.
The language of the respective entries should be given the widest scope of their meaning, fairly capable to meet the machinery of the Government settled by the Constitution. Each general word should extend to all ancillary or subsidiary matters which can fairly and reasonably be comprehended in it. When the vires of an enactment is impugned, there is an initial presumption of its constitutionality and if there is any difficulty in ascertaining the limits of the legislative power, the difficulty must be resolved, as far as possible in favour of the legislature putting the most liberal construction upon the legislative entry so that it may have the widest amplitude.”
Incidental or Ancillary Encroachment:
The case of Prafulla Kumar Mukherjee v. The Bank of Commerce, succinctly explained the situation in which a State Legislature dealing with any matter may incidentally affect any Item in the Union List. The court held that whatever may be the ancillary or incidental effects of a Statute enacted by a State Legislature, such a matter must be attributed to the Appropriate List according to its true nature and character.
Thus, we see that if the encroachment by the State Legislature is only incidental in nature, it will not affect the Competence of the State Legislature to enact the law in question. Also, if the substance of the enactment falls within the Union List then the incidental encroachment by the enactment on the State List would not make it invalid.
However, the situation relating to Pith and Substance is a bit different with respect to the Concurrent List. If a Law covered by an entry in the State List made by the State Legislature contains a provision which directly and substantially relates to a matter enumerated in the Concurrent List and is repugnant to the provisions of any existing law with respect to that matter in the Concurrent List, then the repugnant provision in the State List may be void unless it can coexist and operate without repugnancy to the provisions of the existing law.
Important Supreme Court Judgments on the Doctrine of Pith and Substance
There are hundreds of judgments that have applied this doctrine to ascertain the true nature of a legislation. In the present post, I will discuss some of the prominent judgments of the Supreme Court of India that have resorted to this doctrine.
1.The State of Bombay And Another vs F.N. Balsara- This is the first important judgment of the Supreme Court that took recourse to the Doctrine of Pith and Substance. The court upheld the Doctrine of Pith and Substance and said that it is important to ascertain the true nature and character of a legislation for the purpose of determining the List under which it falls.
2. Mt. Atiqa Begam And Anr. v. Abdul Maghni Khan And Ors.– The court held that in order to decide whether the impugned Act falls under which entry, one has to ascertain the true nature and character of the enactment i.e. its ‘pith and substance’. The court further said that “it is the result of this investigation, not the form alone which the statute may have assumed under the hand of the draughtsman, that will determine within which of the Legislative Lists the legislation falls and for this purpose the legislation must be scrutinized in its entirety”.
3. Zameer Ahmed Latifur Rehman Sheikh v. State of Maharashtra and Ors.– Pith and Substance has been beautifully explained in this case:
“This doctrine is applied when the legislative competence of the legislature with regard to a particular enactment is challenged with reference to the entries in various lists. If there is a challenge to the legislative competence, the courts will try to ascertain the pith and substance of such enactment on a scrutiny of the Act in question. In this process, it is necessary for the courts to go into and examine the true character of the enactment, its object, its scope and effect to find out whether the enactment in question is genuinely referable to a field of the legislation allotted to the respective legislature under the constitutional scheme.
This doctrine is an established principle of law in India recognized not only by this Court, but also by various High Courts. 
Where a challenge is made to the constitutional validity of a particular State Act with reference to a subject mentioned in any entry in List I, the Court has to look to the substance of the State Act and on such analysis and examination, if it is found that in the pith and substance, it falls under an entry in the State List but there is only an incidental encroachment on any of the matters enumerated in the Union List, the State Act would not become invalid merely because there is incidental encroachment on any of the matters in the Union List.

Monday 19 November 2018

Constitution of India : Parliamentary Privileges (Art. 105 & Art. 194): Scope and Limitations

Constitution of India

Parliamentary Privileges (Art. 105 & Art. 194): Scope and Limitations

By:
Vijay Sardana
Advocate, Delhi High Court
To enable Parliament to discharge functions properly the Constitution confers on each member of the Houses certain rights and immunities and certain rights and immunities and powers on each house collectively.
Parliamentary privilege is an essential incident to the high and multifarious functions which the legislature is called upon to perform. Individual members enjoy privileges because the House cannot perform its function without unrestricted use of the services of its members and by each House for the protection of its members and the vindication of its own authority and dignity.
The term parliamentary privileges are used in Constitutional writings to denote both these types of rights and immunities. Sir Thomas Erskine May (British constitutional theorist) has defined the expression Parliamentary privileges as follows: The sum of the peculiar rights enjoyed by each house collectively is a constituent part of the High Court of Parliament, and by members of each house of parliament individually, without which they cannot discharge their functions, and which exceed those possessed by other bodies or individuals. According to Mr. May, the distinctive mark of a privilege is its ancillary character a necessary means to fulfillment of functions.
Constitutional Provision:
According to Article 105: Powers, privileges, etc., of the Houses of Parliament and of the members and committees thereof.
(1) Subject to the provisions of this Constitution and to the rules and standing orders regulating the procedure of Parliament, there shall be freedom of speech in Parliament.
(2) No member of Parliament shall be liable to any proceedings in any court in respect of anything said or any vote given by him in Parliament or any committee thereof, and no person shall be so liable in respect of the publication by or under the authority of either House of Parliament of any report, paper, votes or proceedings.
(3) In other respects, the powers, privileges and immunities of each House of Parliament, and of the members and the committees of each House, shall be such as may from time to time be defined by Parliament by law, and, until so defined, 1 [shall be those of that House and of its members and committees immediately before the coming into force of section 15 of the Constitution (Forty-Fourth Amendment) Act, 1978.]
(4) The provisions of clauses (1), (2) and (3) shall apply in relation to persons who by virtue of this Constitution have the right to speak in, and otherwise to take part in the proceedings of, a House of Parliament or any committee thereof as they apply in relation to members of Parliament.
According to Article 194: Powers, privileges, etc., of the Houses of Legislatures and of the members and committees thereof.
(1) Subject to the provisions of this Constitution and to the rules and standing orders regulating the procedure of the Legislature, there shall be freedom of speech in the Legislature of every State.
(2) No member of the Legislature of a State shall be liable to any proceedings in any court in respect of anything said or any vote given by him in the Legislature or any committee thereof, and no person shall be so liable in respect of the publication by or under the authority of a House of such a Legislature of any report, paper, votes or proceedings.
(3) In other respects, the powers, privileges and immunities of a House of the Legislature of a State, and of the members and the committees of a House of such Legislature, shall be such as may from time to time be defined by the Legislature by law, and, until so defined, 1 [shall be those of that House and of its members and committees immediately before the coming into force of section 26 of the Constitution (Forty-Fourth Amendment) Act, 1978].
(4) The provisions of clauses (1), (2) and (3) shall apply in relation to persons who by virtue of this Constitution have the right to speak in, and otherwise to take part in the proceedings of, a House of the Legislature of a State or any committee thereof as they apply in relation to members of that Legislature.
Interpretation of the Article 105 and Article 194:
It may be noted that clause (1) of Article 105 is made Subject to the provisions of this constitution and to the rules and standing orders regulating the procedures of Parliament. The words regulating the procedures of Parliament occurring in clause (1) should be read as covering both the provisions of the Constitution and the rules and standing orders. So, read, freedom of speech in Parliament becomes subject to the provisions of Constitution relating to the procedures of Parliament, i.e., subject to the articles relating to procedures in Part V including Articles 107 and 121.
According to Article 121. No discussion shall take place in Parliament with respect to the conduct of any Judge of the Supreme Court or of a High Court in the discharge of his duties except upon a motion for presenting an address to the President praying for the removal of the Judge as hereinafter provided.
Similarly, According to Article 211. No discussion shall take place in the Legislature of a State with respect to the conduct of any Judge of the Supreme Court or of a High Court in the discharge of his duties.
According to Article 122. (1) The validity of any proceedings in Parliament shall not be called in question on the ground of any alleged irregularity of procedure. (2) No officer or member of Parliament in whom powers are vested by or under this Constitution for regulating procedure or the conduct of business, or for maintaining order, in Parliament shall be subject to the jurisdiction of any court in respect of the exercise by him of those powers.
Similarly, in Article 212. (1) The validity of any proceedings in the Legislature of a State shall not be called in question on the ground of any alleged irregularity of procedure. (2) No officer or member of the Legislature of a State in whom powers are vested by or under this Constitution for regulating procedure or the conduct of business, or for maintaining order, in the Legislature shall be subject to the jurisdiction of any court in respect of the exercise by him of those powers.
Thus, for example, freedom of speech in Parliament would not permit a member to discuss the conduct of any judge of the Supreme Court or of a High Court. Likewise, the freedom of speech is subject to the rules of procedures of a House, such as use of unparliamentary language or unparliamentary conduct.
Freedom of Speech as Parliamentary Privilege:
The freedom of speech guaranteed under clause (1) is different from that which a citizen enjoys as a fundamental right under Article 19 (1) (a). the freedom of speech as a fundamental right does not protect an individual absolutely for what he says. The right is subject to reasonable restrictions under clause (2) of Article 19. The term ‘freedom of speech’ as used in this article means that no member of Parliament shall be liable to any proceedings, civil and criminal, in any court for the statements made in debates in the Parliament or any committee thereof. The freedom of speech conferred under this article cannot therefore be restricted under Article 19 (2).
Clauses (1) and (2) of Article 105 protect what is said within the house and not what a member of Parliament may say outside. Accordingly, if a member publishes his speech outside Parliament, he will be held liable if the speech is defamatory. Besides, the freedom of speech. To which Article 105 (1) and (2) refer, would be available to a member of Parliament when he attends the session of Parliament, no occasion arises for the exercise of the right of freedom of speech, and no complaint can be made that the said right has been invalidly invaded.
Article 105, clause (1), expressly safeguards freedom of speech in parliament. It says: there shall be freedom of speech in parliament. Clause (2) further provides that no member of Parliament shall be liable to any proceedings in any court in respect of anything said or any vote given by him in parliament or any committee thereof. No action, civil or criminal, will therefore lie against a member for defamation or the like in respect of things said in parliament or its committees. The immunity is not limited to mere spoken words; it extends to votes, as clause (2) specifically declares, viz. any vote given by him in parliament or any committee thereof. Though not expressly stated, the freedom of speech would extend to other acts also done in connection with the proceedings of each House, such as, for notices of motions, questions, reports of the committee, or the resolutions.
Clause (1) confers freedom of speech to the legislators within the legislative chambers and clause (2) makes it plain that the freedom is literally absolute.
Freedom from Court interventions:
Article 105 (2) confers immunity, inter alia, in respect of anything said in Parliament the word anything is of the widest import and is equivalent to everything. The only limitation arises from the words in Parliament, which means during the sitting of Parliament and in the course of business of Parliament.
Once it was proved that Parliament was sitting and its business was transacted, anything said during the course of that business was immune from proceedings in any court. This immunity is not only complete but it is as it should be. It is one of the essence of parliamentary system of government that people's representative should be free to express themselves without fear of legal expenses. What they say is only subject to the discipline of the rules of Parliament, the good sense of the members and the control of proceedings by the speaker. The courts have no say in the matter and should really have none.
This Power is restricted to the functioning of the House:
Article 105, so also Article 194 subjects the powers, privileges and immunities of each House as well as all its members and all its committees not only to the laws made by the appropriate legislature but also to all other provisions of the Constitution. Both these articles far from dealing with the legislative powers of the Houses of Parliament or of State Legislature respectively are confined in scope to such powers of each House as it may exercise separately functioning as a House.
A House of Parliament or Legislature cannot try anyone or any case directly as a court of justice can, but it can proceed quasi judicially in cases of contempt of its authority or take up motions concerning its privileges and immunities in order to seek removal of obstructions to the due performance of its legislative functions. If any question of jurisdiction arises as to a certain matter, it has to be decided by a court of law in appropriate proceedings. For example, the jurisdiction to try a criminal offence such as murder, committed even within a House vests in ordinary courts and not in a of Parliament or in a State Legislature. Also, a House of Parliament or State Legislature cannot in exercise of any supposed powers under Articles 105 and 194 decide election disputes for which special authorities have been constituted under the Representation of People Act, 1951 enacted in compliance with Article 329.
Right of Publication of proceedings
Clause (2) of Article 105 expressly declares that no person shall be liable in respect of the publication by order under the authority of a house of Parliament, of any report, paper, votes or proceedings. Common law accords the defence of qualified privilege to fair and accurate unofficial reports of parliamentary proceedings, published in a newspaper or elsewhere. In Wason v. Walter , Cockburn, C.J. observed that it was of paramount public and national importance that parliamentary proceedings should be communicated to public, which has the deepest interest in knowing what passes in Parliament. But a partial report or a report of detached part of proceedings published with intent to injure individuals will be disentitled to protection. The same is the law in India. The Parliamentary Proceedings (Protection of Publication) Act, 1956 enacts that no person shall be liable to any proceedings, civil or criminal, in a court in respect of the publication of a substantially true report of the proceedings in either House of the Parliament, unless it is proved that the publication is made with malice.
Freedom from Arrest:
In India freedom from arrest has been limited to civil causes and has not been applied to arrest on criminal charges or contempt of court or to detention under the Preventive Detention Act . Also there is no privilege if arrest is made under s.151 Criminal Procedure Code.
It has been held in K. Anandan Kumar v. Chief Secretary, Government of Madras , that matters of Parliament do not enjoy any special status as compared to an ordinary citizen in respect of valid orders of detention. In criminal cases, member of parliament can be arrested like an ordinary citizen.
Right to regulate Internal Proceedings:
As far as right to regulate internal proceedings are concerned Article 122 ( i.e. Courts not to inquire into proceedings of Parliament) expressly provides that the validity of any proceedings shall not be called in question on the ground of any alleged irregularity of procedure, and no officer or member of Parliament in whom powers are vested by or under the Constitution for regulating the procedure or the conduct of business or for maintaining order in Parliament shall be subject to the jurisdiction of any court in respect of the exercise by him of those powers.
Right to exclude strangers from its proceedings and hold secret sessions:
In India, the rules of procedure in the House of People give the chair the power, whenever it thinks fit, of ordering the withdrawal of strangers from any part of the House and when the House sits in a secret session no stranger is permitted to be present in the chamber, lobby or galleries. The only exceptions are the members of the Council of States and the persons authorized by the Speaker.
In Pandit M.S.M Sharma v. Shri Krishna Sinha, proceedings for the breach of privilege had been started against an editor of a newspaper for publishing those parts of the speech of a member delivered in Bihar legislative assembly which the speaker had ordered to be expunged from the proceedings of the Assembly. The editor in a writ petition under A. 32 contended that the House of Commons had no privilege to prohibit either the publication of the publicly seen and heard proceedings that took place in the House or of that part of the proceedings which had been directed to be expunged. The Supreme Court by the majority of four to one rejected the contention of the petitioner. Das C.J., who delivered the majority judgment, observed that the House of Commons had at the commencement of our Constitution the power or privilege of prohibiting the publication of even a true and faithful report of the debates or proceedings that took place within the House. A fortiori the House had at the relevant time the power or privilege of prohibiting the publication of an inaccurate version of such debates or proceedings.
Now Article 361-A inserted by the 44th Amendment with effect from June 20, 1979 provides that no person shall be liable to any proceedings civil or criminal for reporting the proceedings of either House of Parliament or a State Legislature unless the reporting is proved to have been made with malice. This provision does not apply to the reporting of proceedings of secret sittings of the Houses.
According to Article 361A. (1) No person shall be liable to any proceedings, civil or criminal, in any court in respect of the publication in a newspaper of a substantially true report of any proceedings of either House of Parliament or the Legislative Assembly, or, as the case may be, either House of the Legislature, of a State, unless the publication is proved to have been made with malice: Provided that nothing in this clause shall apply to the publication of any report of the proceedings of a secret sitting of either House of Parliament or the Legislative Assembly, or, as the case may be, either House of the Legislature, of a State. (2) Clause (1) shall apply in relation to reports or matters broadcast by means of wireless telegraphy as part of any programme or service provided by means of a broadcasting station as it applies in relation to reports or matters published in a newspaper. Explanation. —In this article, “newspaper” includes a news agency report containing material for publication in a newspaper.]

Parliamentary Privileges – An Analysis:
Article 105 of the Constitution defines the powers, privileges and immunities of the Houses of Parliament and of the members and committees of the two Houses.  The more important of the privileges, namely, freedom of speech in Parliament and immunity of members from any proceedings in any court of law in respect of anything said or any vote given by them in Parliament, are specified in this article.  In other respects, powers and privileges of each House, its Committees and its members are, in effect, identical to the powers and privileges enjoyed by the British House of Commons as on 26 January 1950.
 The basic law is that all citizens including members of Parliament are equal before the law.  The members of Parliament have the same rights and privileges as ordinary citizens except when they perform their duties in Parliament.  The privileges do not exempt the members from their normal obligations to society.
The founding fathers envisaged codification of parliamentary privileges by Parliament by law.  But so far no law has been made and these privileges remain undefined.  It is a somewhat curious situation that even after more than 70 years after the commencement of the Constitution we are unable to lay down precisely by law when a Member of Parliament is not subject to the same legal obligations as any ordinary citizen is.  The only idea behind parliamentary privileges is that members who represent the people are not in any way obstructed in the discharge of their parliamentary duties and are able to express their views freely and fearlessly inside the Houses and Committees of Parliament without incurring any legal action on that account.  Privileges of Members are intended to facilitate them in doing their work to advance the interests of the people.  They are not meant to be privileges against the people or against the freedom of the press.  The Commission recommends that the time has come to define and delimit privileges deemed to be necessary for the free and independent functioning of Parliament.  It should not be necessary to run to the 1950 position in the House of Commons every time a question arises as to what kind of legal protection or immunity a Member has in relation to his or her work in the House.
Can Parliamentary Privileges be misused?
Case facts: In a much-publicized matter involving former Prime Minister, several ministers, Members of Parliament and others a divided Court, in P.V. Narsimha Rao v. State has held that the privilege of immunity from courts proceedings in Article 105 (2) extends even to bribes taken by the Members of Parliament for the purpose of voting in a particular manner in Parliament. The majority (3 judges) did not agree with the minority (2 judges) that the words in respect of in Article 105 (2) mean, arising out of and therefore would not cover conduct antecedent to speech or voting in Parliament. The court was however unanimous that the members of Parliament who gave bribes, or who took bribes but did not participate in the voting could not claim immunity from court proceeding's under Article 105 (2). The decision has invoked so much controversy and dissatisfaction that a review petition is pending in the court.
According to National Commission to Review the Working of The Constitution Report, the law of immunity of members under the parliamentary privilege law was tested in PV Narsimha Rao Vs. State (CBI/SPE), (AIR 1998 SC 2120).  The substance of the charge was that certain members of Parliament had conspired to bribe certain other members to vote against a no-confidence motion in Parliament.  By a majority decision the Court arrived at the conclusion that while bribe-givers, who were members of Parliament, could not claim immunity under article 105, the bribe-takers, also members of Parliament, could claim such immunity if they had actually spoken or voted in the House in the manner indicated by the bribe-givers.  It is obvious that this interpretation of the immunity of members of Parliament runs counter to all notions of justice, fair play and good conduct expected from members of Parliament.  
Freedom of speech inside the House cannot be used by them to solicit or to accept bribes, which is an offence under the criminal law of the country.  The decision of the court in the aforesaid case makes it necessary to clarify the true intent of the Constitution.  To maintain the dignity, honour and respect of Parliament and its members, it is essential to put it beyond doubt that the protection against legal action under article 105 does not extend to corrupt acts.
Who should be the sanctioning Authority?
A second issue that was raised in this case concerned the authority competent to sanction prosecution against a member in respect of an offence involving acceptance of a consideration for speaking or voting in a particular manner or for not voting in either House of Parliament.  A Member of Parliament is not appointed by any authority.  He is elected by his or her constituency or by the State Assembly and takes his or her seat on taking the oath prescribed by the Constitution.  While functioning as a Member he or she is subject to the disciplinary control of the presiding officer in respect of functions within the Parliament or in its Committees.  It would, therefore, stand to reason that sanction for prosecution should be given by the Speaker or the Chairman, as the case may be.
Report of the National Commission to Review The Working of The Constitution
The Commission recommends that article 105(2) may be amended to clarify that the immunity enjoyed by Members of Parliament under parliamentary privileges does not cover corrupt acts committed by them in connection with their duties in the House or otherwise.  Corrupt acts would include accepting money or any other valuable consideration to speak and/or vote in a particular manner.  For such acts, they would be liable for action under the ordinary law of the land.  It may be further provided that no court will take cognizance of any offence arising out of a Member's action in the House without prior sanction of the Speaker or the Chairman, as the case may be. Article 194(2) may also be similarly amended in relation to the Members of State Legislatures.
Conclusion
There is a clear demarcation as to what all rights and privileges are absolute and what are not. For example, in India Legislative Assemblies and Parliament never discharge any judicial function and their historical and constitutional background does not support their claim to be regarded as courts of record in any sense. No immunity from scrutiny by courts of general warrants issued by House in India can therefore be claimed.
Clause (3)- the first art of this clause empowers the State Legislature to make laws Prescribing its powers, privileges and immunities. If the Legislature of a State under the first part of clause (3) makes a law which prescribes its powers, privileges and immunities, such law would be subject to Article 13 (Laws inconsistent with or in derogation of the fundamental rights) and clause (2) of that article would render it void if it contravenes or abridges any of the fundamental rights guaranteed by Part III.
Both the Parliament and State Legislatures have a duty to look carefully before making any law, so that it doesn't harm other rights. It is also a duty of the members to properly use these privileges and not misuse them for alternate purposes that is not in the favour of general interest of nation and public at large. Thus, what we must keep in mind is the fact that power corrupts and absolute power corrupts absolutely. For this not to happen under the privileges granted, the public and the other governing body should always be on constant scrutiny by citizens for vibrant and accountable democracy.
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